A Salvadoran man speaks about the finding of twelve local campesinos who were killed and thrown down a 180-foot well, bottom center, in the village of Los Mangos, Sonsonate department, El Salvador, April 7, 1984. The two men implicated in the murder were members of a civil defense unit associated with local death squads. Civil defense patrols were utilized by the Salvadoran state regime as a form of paramilitary control, specifically over the rural sectors of society. The civil defense patrols along with the Salvadoran National Guard were complicit in indiscriminate attacks on peasant cooperatives and villages suspected of subversive sympathies.
A Salvadoran National Guardsman, right, speaks to the media, including radio reporter Edith Caron, left, about the killing of twelve local campesinos in the village of Los Mangos, Sonsonate department, El Salvador, April 7, 1984. The two men implicated in the murder, in which they reportedly threw the twelve men down a 180-foot well, were members of a civil defense unit associated with local death squads. Civil defense patrols were utilized by the Salvadoran state regime as a form of paramilitary control, specifically over the rural sectors of society. The civil defense patrols along with the Salvadoran National Guard were complicit in indiscriminate attacks on peasant cooperatives and villages suspected of subversive sympathies.
A handcuffed Salvadoran man implicated in the killing of twelve local campesinos speaks to the media, including radio reporter Edith Caron, right, in the village of Los Mangos, Sonsonate department, El Salvador, April 7, 1984. The two men implicated in the murder, in which they reportedly threw the twelve men down a 180-foot well, were members of a civil defense unit associated with local death squads. Civil defense patrols were utilized by the Salvadoran state regime as a form of paramilitary control, specifically over the rural sectors of society. The civil defense patrols along with the Salvadoran National Guard were complicit in indiscriminate attacks on peasant cooperatives and villages suspected of subversive sympathies.
A crowd of local townspeople listen to a handcuffed Salvadoran man implicated in the killing of twelve local campesinos as he speaks to the media in the village of Los Mangos, Sonsonate department, El Salvador, April 7, 1984. The two men implicated in the murder, in which they reportedly threw the twelve men down a 180-foot well, were members of a civil defense unit associated with local death squads. Civil defense patrols were utilized by the Salvadoran state regime as a form of paramilitary control, specifically over the rural sectors of society. The civil defense patrols along with the Salvadoran National Guard were complicit in indiscriminate attacks on peasant cooperatives and villages suspected of subversive sympathies.
A television crew from ABC films a young fighter from the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo, ERP, as guerrillas stop commercial traffic along the Pan American Highway in Usulatán department, El Salvador, May 1, 1983. Guerrilla tactics for disrupting the transportation of commercial goods were employed in protest of economic inequality and to show defiance to the authoritarian state regime.
The interview discusses Gomez’s background in journalism and how she grew up. It also discusses her approach to COVID coverage and how she characterizes the pandemic both for herself and the people around her. This includes discussions surrounding burnout, DC in general, and her jobs throughout the pandemic.
International media crowd United States Ambassador at Large to Central America Richard Stone as he prepares to depart at Ilopango Airport, San Salvador, El Salvador, August 1, 1983. Stone was facilitating preliminary peace talks between guerrilla leaders from the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front, FMLN, and the Salvadoran government. Negotiations between the groups were ongoing throughout the twelve-year civil war. United States involvement in the Salvadoran armed conflict can be traced to a strategic hegemonic dominance favored by U.S. policy in Latin America, as well as Cold War-era concerns over the spread of communism after the revolutions in Cuba and Nicaragua.
Journalists from western news organizations listen to leftist guerrilla officials from the Fuerzas Populares de Liberación, FPL, as they respond to questions during a press conference in La Palma, El Salvador, February 6, 1983. FPL, as a member of the coalition Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, FMLN, acquired arms and strategic support from socialist parties in Vietnam, Nicaragua, Cuba, and the Soviet Union to fund their campaigns. The FMLN and their political counterpart the Frente Democrático Revolucionario, Revolutionary Democratic Front, FDR, were recognized as the established insurgency in El Salvador and played an integral role in the 1992 peace accords.
Associated Press photojournalist Luis Alberto Romero gestures outside a news event in San Salvador, El Salvador, April 1, 1983. Every major paper and wire service had a bureau in El Salvador while international concern maintained the Central American conflicts as hemispheric battles over communist expansion.
Bryan B., a PhD student at American University, shares how COVID has impacted his life. He talks about moving back in with his parents, and how it's nice to spend time with them, but he needs to be careful since his father has cancer. He discusses how the virus has impacted his social justice work, and reflects on how everyone's experience during this time is different and reflects how power and privilege work in our society. He shares how COVID-19 is the filter that reveals how we are currently fractured, and relates to the systematic devaluing of black, brown, Asian, and female bodies. Bryan talks about how the work of DC journalist Reginald Black has kept him going, and gives him hope that there are people we can support. Finally, he hopes that this can be the moment that healthcare for all becomes a thing we can all agree on. He believes that if we can't agree on that in this time, our country is a failed state. This video is part of the Humanities Truck's From Me To You: A Covid-19 Oral History Project. https://humanitiestruck.com/frommetoyou/
A group of international journalists are shown captured weapons from a guerrilla safe house found by the Guatemalan Army in the regional military garrison run by Colonel Byron Lima Estrada in Santa Cruz del Quiché, Guatemala, February 1, 1982. Col. Lima Estrada was commander of the Quiché department army garrison. He received U.S. Army counterintelligence training at Fort Benning, Georgia, the School of the Americas, and instruction from the U.S. Army Mobile Training Team (MTT) and the U.S. Military Assistance Program (MAP). Following his term as intelligence chief, Lima Estrada served as senior officer in key operational units during the Guatemalan Armed Forces' "scorched earth" campaigns against the Maya population in the highlands. Lima Estrada was convicted in 2001 for the 1998 murder of Catholic Bishop Juan José Gerardi Conedera, which remains one of the most infamous crimes of Guatemala's post-war history.
View of a cache of weapons and propaganda materials recently seized by the military from a Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres, Guerrilla Army of the Poor, EGP, safe house at the regional military garrison in Santa Cruz del Quiché, Guatemala, February 1, 1982. The EGP emerged in 1967 from dissident factions of the guerrilla organization Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes, Rebel Armed Forces, FAR, Catholic followers of liberation theology, and students affiliated with the Juventud Patriótica del Trabajo, JPT, a youth wing of the Partido Guatemalteco del Trabajo, Guatemalan Labor Party, PGT. The EGP established themselves in the highlands where civilian support for their cause was high. Among their demands were land reform, access to healthcare, and a respect for human rights, particularly for the Maya population of the country.
View of a cache of weapons and propaganda materials recently seized by the military from a Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres, Guerrilla Army of the Poor, EGP, safe house with General Benedicto Lucas García, far right, at the regional military garrison in Santa Cruz del Quiché, Guatemala, February 1, 1982. The EGP emerged in 1967 from dissident factions of the guerrilla organization Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes, Rebel Armed Forces, FAR, Catholic followers of liberation theology, and students affiliated with the Juventud Patriótica del Trabajo, JPT, a youth wing of the Partido Guatemalteco del Trabajo, Guatemalan Labor Party, PGT. The EGP established themselves in the highlands where civilian support for their cause was high. Among their demands were land reform, access to healthcare, and a respect for human rights, particularly for the Maya population of the country.
Colonel Byron Lima Estrada, center, shows a group of international journalists a cache of weapons recently found by the military in a Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres, Guerrilla Army of the Poor, EGP, safe house at the regional military garrison in Santa Cruz del Quiché, Guatemala, February 1, 1982. Col. Lima Estrada was commander of the Quiché department army garrison. He received U.S. Army counterintelligence training at Fort Benning, Georgia, the School of the Americas, and instruction from the U.S. Army Mobile Training Team (MTT) and the U.S. Military Assistance Program (MAP). Following his term as intelligence chief, Lima Estrada served as senior officer in key operational units during the Guatemalan Armed Forces' "scorched earth" campaigns in the 1980s. Lima Estrada was convicted in 2001 for the 1998 murder of Catholic Bishop Juan José Gerardi Conedera, which is considered one of the most infamous crimes of Guatemala's post-war history.
A group of international journalists are shown a cache of weapons recently found by the military in a Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres, Guerrilla Army of the Poor, EGP, safe house with General Benedicto Lucas García, far right, at the regional military garrison in Santa Cruz del Quiché, Guatemala, February 1, 1982. Colonel Byron Lima Estrada, the Santa Cruz del Quiché garrison commander, center, observes the guerrilla equipment. In 1981 the military regime and the Guatemalan army initiated a brutal counterinsurgency program of scorched earth tactics to consolidate control over civilians and counteract the influence of the guerrilla insurgency. The genocidal policies enacted by President Fernando Romeo Lucas García and later by Efraín Ríos Montt were also intended to eradicate the culture and identity of the indigenous population. For his role as army general in the internal armed conflict, General Benedicto Lucas García was sentenced on May 23, 2018 to 58 years in prison for crimes against humanity, aggravated sexual violence, and enforced disappearance. Col. Lima Estrada was convicted in 2001 for the 1998 murder of Catholic Bishop Juan José Gerardi Conedera, which is considered one of the most infamous crimes of Guatemala's post-war history.
A Guatemalan army soldier looks over a cache of weapons recently found by the military in a Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres, Guerrilla Army of the Poor, EGP, safe house at the regional military garrison in Santa Cruz del Quiché, Guatemala, February 1, 1982. The EGP emerged in 1967 from dissident factions of the guerrilla organization Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes, Rebel Armed Forces, FAR, Catholic followers of liberation theology, and students affiliated with the Juventud Patriótica del Trabajo, JPT, a youth wing of the Partido Guatemalteco del Trabajo, Guatemalan Labor Party, PGT. The EGP established themselves in the highlands where civilian support for their cause was high. Among their demands were land reform, access to healthcare, and a respect for human rights, particularly for the Maya population of the country.
A group of international journalists are shown captured weapons from a guerrilla safe house found by the Guatemalan Army in the regional military garrison run by Colonel Byron Lima Estrada, left, in Santa Cruz del Quiché, Guatemala, February 1, 1982. Col. Lima Estrada was commander of the Quiché department army garrison. He received U.S. Army counterintelligence training at Fort Benning, Georgia, the School of the Americas, and instruction from the U.S. Army Mobile Training Team (MTT) and the U.S. Military Assistance Program (MAP). Following his term as intelligence chief, Lima Estrada served as senior officer in key operational units during the Guatemalan Armed Forces' "scorched earth" campaigns against the Maya population in the highlands. Lima Estrada was convicted in 2001 for the 1998 murder of Catholic Bishop Juan José Gerardi Conedera, which remains one of the most infamous crimes of Guatemala's post-war history.
Gabriel Hatter, host. Thomas Chalmers, narrator. Features the Cavalcade Players (Karl Swenson, Bill Johnstone, Kenny Delmar, others). Donald Voorhees and His Orchestra. As an overture, Voorhees plays "September Song." This is the story of the great humanitarian and publisher of the Ladies Home Journal.
Salvadoran CBS television producer, Estella Castillo, stands in the doorway of the U.S. network's office at the Camino Real Hotel in San Salvador, El Salvador, January 1, 1983. Every major paper and wire service had a bureau in El Salvador while international concern maintained the Central American conflicts as hemispheric battles over communist expansion.
UPITN cameraman Godofredo Guedes, right, and sound man Luis Mejia, standing second left, film the casket of a Salvadoran civilian killed in crossfire between the Salvadoran Armed Forces and guerrillas from the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, FMLN, in central El Salvador, July 1, 1983. The twelve-year armed conflict would claim over 75,000 lives before peace negotiations concluded in 1992.
Larry Price, photographer with the Philadelphia Enquirer, takes a picture of a dead guerrilla fighter from the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo, ERP, killed during a Salvadoran army operation in San Miguel department, September 1, 1983. The twelve-year armed conflict would claim over 75,000 lives before peace negotiations concluded in 1992.
A group of human rights investigators from Holland leave the El Camino Real Hotel in San Salvador, El Salvador, March 22, 1982. The group came to investigate the death of four Dutch journalists shot and killed by Salvadoran security forces while they were pursuing an interview with leftist guerrillas from the Fuerzas Populares de Liberación, FPL, in the Chalatenango department. The Salvadoran government and the United States embassy in El Salvador denied knowledge of the ambush, claiming that the journalists were caught in an ongoing firefight between guerrilla soldiers and the military. This fact was later refuted with witness testimony in the 1993 publication of the United Nations Truth Commission for El Salvador.
Members of the media gather in a funeral parlor to film the dead body of a Dutch journalist killed in guerrilla territory two days earlier, San Salvador, El Salvador, March 19, 1982. Jacobus (Koos) Koster, Hans Ter Laan, Jan Kuiper and Johannes (Joop) Willemsen were shot and killed by Salvadoran military forces while they were pursuing an interview with leftist guerrillas from the Fuerzas Populares de Liberación, FPL, in the Chalatenango department. The Salvadoran government and the United States embassy in El Salvador denied knowledge of the ambush, claiming that the journalists were caught in an ongoing firefight between guerrilla soldiers and the military. This fact was later refuted with witness testimony in the 1993 publication of the United Nations Truth Commission for El Salvador.
An officer from the Fuerzas Populares de Liberación, FPL, listens to a question from a western journalist during a press conference in La Palma, El Salvador, February 6, 1983. FPL, as a member of the coalition Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, FMLN, acquired arms and strategic support from socialist parties in Vietnam, Nicaragua, Cuba, and the Soviet Union to fund their campaigns. The FMLN and their political counterpart the Frente Democrático Revolucionario, Revolutionary Democratic Front, FDR, were recognized as the established insurgency in El Salvador and played an integral role in the 1992 peace accords.
Four officers from the Fuerzas Populares de Liberación, FPL, speak to local and western journalists in La Palma, El Salvador, February 6, 1983. FPL, as a member of the coalition Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, FMLN, acquired arms and strategic support from socialist parties in Vietnam, Nicaragua, Cuba, and the Soviet Union to fund their campaigns. The FMLN and their political counterpart the Frente Democrático Revolucionario, Revolutionary Democratic Front, FDR, were recognized as the established insurgency in El Salvador and played an integral role in the 1992 peace accords.
An officer from the Fuerzas Populares de Liberación, FPL, listens to a question from a western journalist during a press conference in La Palma, El Salvador, February 6, 1983. Salvadoran guerrilla organizations formed in the early 1970s and experienced broad support, particularly among the rural sectors of the population, as a consequence of increased state repression and exclusion from political participation. FPL was comprised primarily of union workers, university students, and social Christian groups and was one of five organizations within the guerrilla coalition Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, FMLN.
A Guatemalan Armed Forces soldier speaks with American photographer Susan Meiselas, right, as the Army soldiers collect ballot boxes from the country's national elections one day after the vote in San Andrés Itzapa, Guatemala, on March 8, 1982. Various opposition parties were running in the elections against the civilian candidate Ángel Aníbal Guevara, the chosen successor to outgoing president Fernando Romeo Lucas García. When Guevara was declared the winner, all opposition candidates protested electoral fraud. Two weeks later on March 23, 1982, General Efraín Ríos Montt led a three-man military junta in a coup d'état and all cabinet ministers were replaced.
International media representatives Christopher Dickey, left center, Rod Nordlund, center, and James Lemoyne, right, walk across a dirt field with local civilians in central El Salvador, January 1, 1984. The country was engaged in a twelve-year civil war between successive authoritarian regimes, backed by the United States, and the guerrilla coalition Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, FMLN. The conflict would claim over 75,000 lives before peace negotiations concluded in 1992.
UPITN cameraman Godofredo Guedes, left, UPITN soundman Alfredo Mejia, center right, UPI photographer Ivan Montecinos, second right, and Visnews cameraman Erico Zas Cano, right, wait for a Salvadoran army convoy to pass along the Pan American Highway in Usulután department, July 5, 1983. Every major paper and wire service had a bureau in El Salvador while international concern maintained the Central American conflicts as hemispheric battles over communist expansion.
Photographer John Hoagland (1947-1984) observes soldiers from the Atlacatl Battalion advance during a military operation in Tenancingo, El Salvador, September 27, 1983. Hoagland, a contract photographer for Newsweek magazine, was shot and killed by the Salvadoran army in crossfire during an ambush by guerrillas from the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, FMLN, on March 16, 1984 in Suchitoto, El Salvador.
Photographer John Hoagland (1947-1984) observes soldiers from the Atlacatl Battalion advance during a military operation in Tenancingo, El Salvador, September 27, 1983. Ivan Montecinos, a photographer for United Press International (UPI), stands behind Hoagland. Hoagland, a contract photographer for Newsweek magazine, was shot and killed by the Salvadoran army in crossfire during an ambush by guerrillas from the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, FMLN, on March 16, 1984 in Suchitoto, El Salvador.
Portrait of an unidentified journalist as he stands in front of a structure heavily damaged during a battle between guerrillas and Salvadoran military forces, central El Salvador, May 1, 1983. Every major paper and wire service had a bureau in El Salvador while international concern maintained the Central American conflicts as hemispheric battles over communist expansion. It is estimated that nearly 40 journalists lost their lives in the twelve-year conflict.
A Salvadoran journalist uses a white flag to indicate to armed guerrillas from the Fuerzas Populares de Liberación, FPL, ahead on the road that he and his colleagues are traveling in peace along the Pan American Highway to San Vicente, El Salvador, June 24, 1983. Control of the Pan American Highway in El Salvador continually changed hands between FPL guerrillas and state security forces throughout the armed conflict. It is estimated that nearly 40 journalists lost their lives in the twelve-year civil war.
United Press International, UPI, photographer Ivan Montesinos, center, uses a white flag to indicate to armed guerrillas ahead on the road that he and his colleagues are traveling in peace along the Pan American Highway to San Vicente, El Salvador, June 24, 1983. Every major paper and wire service had a bureau in El Salvador while international concern maintained the Central American conflicts as hemispheric battles over communist expansion. It is estimated that nearly 40 journalists lost their lives in the twelve-year conflict.
Three journalists working for international media, UPI reporter Michael Drudge, left, UPI photographer Ivan Montecinos, center, and Newsweek photographer John Hoagland, right, stand for a photograph in San Vicente, El Salvador, April 1, 1983. The three journalists were reporting on recent programs by the United States Agency for International Development, USAID, in San Vicente.
Dial Torgerson (1928-1983), the Mexico and Central America bureau chief for the Los Angeles Times, buys roasted peanuts from an indigenous Maya woman across from the Guatemalan Armed Forces regional garrison, upper left, in Santa Cruz del Quiché, Guatemala, January 20, 1982. Torgerson and the photographer Richard Cross were killed on June 21, 1983 when their vehicle struck a landmine along the Honduran-Nicaraguan border. Initial reports from Western media outlets suggested the car was hit by a rocket-propelled grenade fired from Nicaraguan territory but this was later proved incorrect.
Bobby Block, center, a Reuters correspondent, and Larry Price, upper right, photographer with the Philadelphia Enquirer, climb down a rock wall during a Salvadoran army operation in San Miguel department, September 1, 1983. The twelve-year armed conflict would claim over 75,000 lives before peace negotiations concluded in 1992.
Salvadoran army soldiers stand at attention during a military memorial service at the 1st Brigade Headquarters in San Salvador, El Salvador, February 1, 1983. Lack of opportunity for social and economic ascension led many young Salvadorans towards military inscription. The twelve-year armed conflict would claim over 75,000 lives before peace negotiations concluded in 1992.
Lieutenant Colonel Domingo Monterrosa, center, speaks with British television journalists during an interview in Joateca, Morazán department, El Salvador, October 22, 1984. Monterrosa was killed the following day along with 13 other Salvadoran army soldiers in a helicopter explosion near Joateca, Morazán department on October 23, 1984. FMLN guerrillas led by Joaquín Villalobos, who had previously denounced Monterrosa and his command authority over the Atlacatl Battalion for carrying out the December 1981 civilian massacre in El Mozote, claimed responsibility for the helicopter crash.
Newsweek photographer John Hoagland (1947-1984) stands next to a United States-supplied UH-2 helicopter during a Salvadoran civil defense training course in San Vicente department, El Salvador, June 20, 1983. Hoagland was killed in a crossfire between guerrillas and the Salvadoran Armed Forces near Suchitoto, El Salvador on March 16, 1984. The twelve-year war ultimately claimed the lives of 24 journalists.
Leaders of the Partido Guatemalteco del Trabajo, Guatemalan Party of Labor, PGT, pose with their weapons during a press conference with international media on the outskirts of Guatemala City, Guatemala, July 1, 1981. The brutality and escalation in violence by state military forces led the PGT to join guerrilla organizations the Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes, Rebel Armed Forces, FAR, Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres, Guerrilla Army of the Poor, EGP, and the Organización Revolucionario del Pueblo en Armas, Revolutionary Organization of People in Arms, ORPA, to establish the guerrilla coalition Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca, Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity, URNG, in February of 1982. The URNG and the Guatemalan government signed the UN-brokered "Accord for a Firm and Lasting Peace" on December 29, 1996, formally ending over three decades of conflict.
Photographer Christian Poveda takes pictures of a National Guard patrol in San Salvador, El Salvador, June 1, 1984. Poveda, a Hispanic-French photographer and filmmaker, was murdered on September 2, 2009 near San Salvador by the Salvadoran 18th Street gang. He had worked with members when filming "La Vida Loca," an award winning documentary about the group.
French photographer Etienne Montes walks outside a hotel in San Salvador, El Salvador, April 1, 1983. Montes photographed the urban violence and death squad activities in San Salvador. He was one of several French photojournalists working in El Salvador during the early years of the country's civil war that forced many members of the political opposition to flee to the countryside or into political exile.
The interview discusses Tan’s background in journalism and how she grew up. It also discusses her approach to COVID coverage and how she characterizes the pandemic both for herself and the people around her. This includes discussions surrounding burnout, DC in general, and her work throughout the pandemic and on such events as the racial justice protests in June 2020 and the Capitol insurrection in January 2021.
In this interview, Rick Reinhard discusses the path that led to his photographic career as well as the many important experiences that he has had throughout that career. Additionally, he discusses his involvement in the neighborhood of Mount Pleasant and the changes that Mount Pleasant and DC has gone through throughout his life, highlighting events like the 1991 Mount Pleasant Uprising.
Time magazine reporter Tim Loughran, right, speaks with a Salvadoran army officer during a military operation against guerrillas from the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, FMLN, in central El Salvador, October 1, 1982. Every major paper and wire service had a bureau in El Salvador while international concern maintained the Central American conflicts as hemispheric battles over communist expansion.
A member of the international media, Raul Beltran, upper left, interviews a Salvadoran army officer, second left, as people observe the dead bodies of civil defensemen in Verapaz, El Salvador, January 1, 1983. The civil defensemen were killed in an overnight attack by leftist FMLN guerrillas. Civil defense units in El Salvador were under military command and operated particularly in rural areas where guerrilla support was high.
Time magazine correspondent Timothy Loughran, right, interviews Salvadoran army soldiers during a mortar training exercise in San Vicente department, El Salvador, June 26, 1983. Every major paper and wire service had a bureau in El Salvador while international concern maintained the Central American conflicts as hemispheric battles over communist expansion.
Time magazine photographer Robert Nickelsberg stands for a photograph in San Vicente, El Salvador, April 1, 1983. Nickelsberg was reporting on recent programs by the United States Agency for International Development, USAID, in San Vicente. (Photo by John Hoagland)
Time magazine reporter Tim Loughran speaks with a guerrilla from the Fuerzas Populares de Liberación, FPL, in La Palma, Chalatenango department, El Salvador, February 6, 1983. Every major paper and wire service had a bureau in El Salvador while international concern maintained the Central American conflicts as hemispheric battles over communist expansion.
Time magazine reporter David DeVoss, center, interviews a Salvadoran army soldier about the recent elections and nearby guerrilla insurgency in San Vicente department, El Salvador, May 15, 1984. Every major paper and wire service had a bureau in El Salvador while international concern maintained the Central American conflicts as hemispheric battles over communist expansion. Time magazine covered the region from its office in Mexico City and had a reporter and photographer stationed in San Salvador throughout the 1980s.
United States Embassy Public Affairs Officer Don Hamilton, right, shows CBS TV reporter Mike O'Connor, center left, three Soviet or Chinese-made rocket propelled grenades, RPGs, captured from the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, FMLN, in San Salvador, El Salvador, March 17, 1984. Throughout the conflict, the United States exaggerated concerns that the Soviet Union, Cuba, and Nicaragua were funding and supplying the Salvadoran guerrillas with weapons and strategic military assistance. Fears that the Soviet Union and its allies in the Western Hemisphere were actively aiding the guerrillas fit within the U.S.-purported definition of the Salvadoran conflict as a hemispheric Cold War battle, though it certainly did not reflect the reality on the ground.
United States Embassy Public Affairs Officer Don Hamilton shows CBS TV reporter Mike O'Connor, off camera, three Soviet or Chinese-made rocket propelled grenades, RPGs, captured from the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, FMLN, at the U.S. Embassy in San Salvador, El Salvador, March 17, 1984. Throughout the conflict, the United States exaggerated concerns that the Soviet Union, Cuba, and Nicaragua were funding and supplying the Salvadoran guerrillas with weapons and strategic military assistance. Fears that the Soviet Union and its allies in the Western Hemisphere were actively aiding the guerrillas fit within the U.S.-purported definition of the Salvadoran conflict as a hemispheric Cold War battle, though it certainly did not reflect the reality on the ground.
Salvadoran and foreign media collect their equipment following a statement by the United States Secretary of State George Shultz at the U.S. Ambassador's residence in San Salvador, El Salvador, January 31, 1984. Shultz acknowledged the need for significant economic and social reform in El Salvador and was viewed as more moderate than his predecessor, Alexander Haig. Considered the "last major battle of the Cold War", the Central American conflicts drew significant attention from Washington, with officials frequently visiting the region to assess strategies as well as encourage the doctrines of military victory and democracy building.
Peruvian author Mario Vargas Llosa, right, listens to Salvadoran presidential candidate Roberto D'Aubuisson, left, from the right-wing party Alianza Republicana Nacionalista, National Republican Alliance, ARENA, on the campaign trail in San Salvador, El Salvador, May 9, 1984. Vargas Llosa was reporting and writing about the Salvadoran presidential elections for Time magazine. José Napoleón Duarte of the Partido Demócrata Cristiano, Christian Democratic Party, PDC, was elected president on May 12, 1984. This victory can be largely attributed to the more than $3 million in aid, both overt and covert, provided by the United States to finance the elections in an effort to produce a moderate reformist government compliant with Washington's interests.
Peruvian author Mario Vargas Llosa, center, interviews President Álvaro Alfredo Magaña Borja, right, at the Presidential Palace in San Salvador, El Salvador, May 10, 1984. Vargas Llosa was reporting on the 1984 Salvadoran presidential elections for Time magazine. Time magazine correspondent David DeVoss, left, listens during the interview.
Peruvian author Mario Vargas Llosa interviews President Álvaro Alfredo Magaña Borja at the Presidential Palace in San Salvador, El Salvador, May 10, 1984. Vargas Llosa was reporting on the 1984 Salvadoran presidential elections for Time magazine. José Napoleón Duarte of the Partido Demócrata Cristiano, Christian Democratic Party, PDC, was elected president on May 12, 1984. This victory can be largely attributed to the more than $3 million in aid, both overt and covert, provided by the United States to finance the elections in an effort to produce a moderate reformist government compliant with Washington's interests.
Peruvian author Mario Vargas Llosa, left, interviews Salvadoran President Álvaro Magaña, right, at the Presidential Palace in San Salvador, El Salvador, May 10, 1984. Vargas Llosa was reporting on the 1984 Salvadoran presidential elections for Time magazine. Magaña's provisional government, installed in 1982, transferred presidential power from the Junta Revolucionaria de Gobierno, JRG, to a civilian for the first time since the Junta took power in a military coup in 1979. However, Magaña remained heavily influenced by members of the military high command in key policy decisions, which rendered accountability for state crimes and agrarian reform stagnant issues during his presidency.
Peruvian author Mario Vargas Llosa, left, interviews Salvadoran President Álvaro Magaña, right, at the Presidential Palace in San Salvador, El Salvador, May 10, 1984. Vargas Llosa was reporting on the 1984 Salvadoran presidential elections for Time magazine. Magaña's provisional government, installed in 1982, transferred presidential power from the Junta Revolucionaria de Gobierno, JRG, to a civilian for the first time since the Junta took power in a military coup in 1979. However, Magaña remained heavily influenced by members of the military high command in key policy decisions, which rendered accountability for state crimes and agrarian reform stagnant issues during his presidency.
Italian cameraman Michele Taverna, left, films a presidential campaign rally in San Salvador, El Salvador, March 1, 1984. José Napoleón Duarte of the Partido Demócrata Cristiano, Christian Democratic Party, PDC, was elected president on May 12, 1984. This victory can be largely attributed to the more than $3 million in aid, both overt and covert, provided by the United States to finance the elections in an effort to produce a moderate reformist government compliant with Washington's interests.