A military-style band marches near the National Palace during a ceremony with General Efraín Ríos Montt in Guatemala City, Guatemala, October 20, 1982. Ríos Montt assumed control through a military coup d'état on March 23, 1982. His 17-month term as de facto head of state, in which he installed a military regime, dissolved the congress, and suspended the constitution, is considered the most violent period of the conflict. Ríos Montt enjoyed close ties with the Reagan administration and with Christian conservatives in the United States. He has since been indicted and tried for genocide and crimes against humanity against the country's Maya Ixil population with the legal proceedings extending until his death on April 1, 2018.
A military-style band marches near the National Palace during a ceremony with General Efraín Ríos Montt in Guatemala City, Guatemala, October 20, 1982. Ríos Montt assumed control through a military coup d'état on March 23, 1982. His 17-month term as de facto head of state, in which he installed a military regime, dissolved the congress, and suspended the constitution, is considered the most violent period of the conflict. Ríos Montt enjoyed close ties with the Reagan administration and with Christian conservatives in the United States. He has since been indicted and tried for genocide and crimes against humanity against the country's Maya Ixil population with the legal proceedings extending until his death on April 1, 2018.
Civilians watch as General Efraín Ríos Montt arrives for a ceremony at the National Palace in Guatemala City, Guatemala, October 20, 1982. His 17-month term as de facto head of state, in which he installed a military regime, dissolved the congress, and suspended the constitution, is considered the most violent period of the conflict. Ríos Montt enjoyed close ties with the Reagan administration and with Christian conservatives in the United States. He has since been indicted and tried for genocide and crimes against humanity against the country's Maya Ixil population with the legal proceedings extending until his death on April 1, 2018.
Civilians watch as General Efraín Ríos Montt arrives for a ceremony at the National Palace in Guatemala City, Guatemala, October 20, 1982. His 17-month term as de facto head of state, in which he installed a military regime, dissolved the congress, and suspended the constitution, is considered the most violent period of the conflict. Ríos Montt enjoyed close ties with the Reagan administration and with Christian conservatives in the United States. He has since been indicted and tried for genocide and crimes against humanity against the country's Maya Ixil population with the legal proceedings extending until his death on April 1, 2018.
Crowds gather in support of the new military junta led by General Efraín Ríos Montt after a successful coup d'état the day earlier in downtown Guatemala City, Guatemala, March 24, 1982. In the first days of the coup, Ríos Montt and his military junta received support from many sectors of society who welcomed the shift in power after living through the brutal repression of the previous Lucas García regime. However, after this brief period the repression escalated in both urban and rural areas, with an increase in state-sanctioned massacres of civilians. Ríos Montt has since been indicted and tried for genocide and crimes against humanity against the country's Maya Ixil population with the legal proceedings extending until his death on April 1, 2018.
A group of civilians celebrate as they pose with newspapers announcing a coup d'état led by General Efraín Ríos Montt in downtown Guatemala City, Guatemala, March 23, 1982. In the first days of the coup, Ríos Montt and his military junta received support from many sectors of society who welcomed the shift in power after living through the brutal repression of the previous Lucas García regime. However, after this brief period the repression escalated in both urban and rural areas, with an increase in state-sanctioned massacres of civilians. Ríos Montt has since been indicted and tried for genocide and crimes against humanity against the country's Maya Ixil population with the legal proceedings extending until his death on April 1, 2018.
Firemen and rescue workers look over the entrance to the National Congress Building destroyed in a bomb explosion in Guatemala City, Guatemala, December 1, 1981. Leftist guerrillas claimed responsibility for the bomb blast. By early 1982, the urban insurgency in Guatemala City would be almost completely eradicated by government security forces and paramilitary forces.
Firemen and rescue workers look over the entrance to the National Congress Building destroyed in a bomb explosion in Guatemala City, Guatemala, December 1, 1981. Leftist guerrillas claimed responsibility for the bomb blast. By early 1982, the urban insurgency in Guatemala City would be almost completely eradicated by government security forces and paramilitary forces.
Firemen and rescue workers look over the entrance to the National Congress Building destroyed in a bomb explosion in Guatemala City, Guatemala, December 1, 1981. Leftist guerrillas claimed responsibility for the bomb blast. By early 1982, the urban insurgency in Guatemala City would be almost completely eradicated by government security forces and paramilitary forces.
An extended Maya family stands for a photograph in the rural highlands of Quiché, Guatemala, May 1, 1984. In the 36-year domestic armed conflict lasting from 1960 to 1996, an estimated 200,000 people were killed, up to 45,000 civilians were forcibly disappeared, and between 500,000 and 1.5 million people were internally displaced or fled the country. 83 percent of the victims were indigenous Maya people.
Portrait of General Efraín Ríos Montt during a press conference at the National Palace to announce his successful military coup d'état, Guatemala City, Guatemala, March 23, 1982. His 17-month term as de facto head of state, in which he installed a military regime, dissolved the congress, and suspended the constitution, is considered the most violent period of the 36-year internal armed conflict. Ríos Montt enjoyed close ties with the Reagan administration and with Christian conservatives in the United States. He has since been indicted and tried for genocide and crimes against humanity against the country's Maya Ixil population with the legal proceedings extending until his death on April 1, 2018.
General Efraín Ríos Montt, center, attends a formal dinner with his wife, María Teresa Sosa Ávila, right, in Guatemala City, Guatemala, September 1, 1982. Ríos Montt assumed control through a military coup d’état on March 23, 1982. His 17-month term as de facto head of state, in which he installed a military regime, dissolved the congress, and suspended the constitution, is considered the most violent period of the conflict. Ríos Montt enjoyed close ties with the Reagan administration and with Christian conservatives in the United States. He has since been indicted and tried for genocide and crimes against humanity against the country’s Maya Ixil population with the legal proceedings extending until his death on April 1, 2018.
General Efraín Ríos Montt, center, arrives for a ceremony at the National Palace in Guatemala City, Guatemala, October 20, 1982. Ríos Montt assumed control through a military coup d'état on March 23, 1982. His 17-month term as de facto head of state, in which he installed a military regime, dissolved the congress, and suspended the constitution, is considered the most violent period of the conflict. Ríos Montt enjoyed close ties with the Reagan administration and with Christian conservatives in the United States. He has since been indicted and tried for genocide and crimes against humanity against the country's Maya Ixil population with the legal proceedings extending until his death on April 1, 2018.
A Guatemalan laborer stands near his temporary home along the Guatemalan-Mexican border in northwest Guatemala, January 1, 1983. It is estimated that between 500,000 and 1,500,000 people were internally displaced or fled the country during the armed conflict. While a majority of internally displaced peoples, IDPs, returned to their homes shortly after they fled, a large number of IDPs remained displaced throughout Guatemala, with many emigrating to Mexico and the United States to seek asylum and work.
An indigenous Maya man wearing a woven hat walks through downtown Guatemala City, Guatemala, February 1, 1982. In 1954, U.S. economic interests and the United Fruit Company's influence in Guatemala were threatened by nationalist reforms proposed by President Jacobo Árbenz. Invoking Cold War fears of the spread of communism in the Western Hemisphere, the CIA orchestrated a coup d'état to install a succession of military regimes. Before and during the 36-year civil war that began in 1960, the United States government financed and trained Guatemalan military and security forces responsible for state-sanctioned violence against political opponents, guerrilla insurgents, and civilians.
A young man rides his horse through farm land near the outskirts of Guatemala City, Guatemala, January 1, 1982. In 1954, U.S. economic interests and the United Fruit Company's influence in Guatemala were threatened by nationalist reforms proposed by President Jacobo Árbenz. Invoking Cold War fears of the spread of communism in the Western Hemisphere, the CIA orchestrated a coup d'état to install a succession of military regimes. Before and during the 36-year civil war that began in 1960, the United States government financed and trained Guatemalan military and security forces responsible for state-sanctioned violence against political opponents, guerrilla insurgents, and civilians.
Petrona Brito, left, and her husband, right, sit for a picture in Nebaj, Guatemala, May 1, 1984. The Guatemalan army forced Brito's husband to join a civil defense patrol during the armed conflict, where he became sick from long exposures to cold weather and eventually succumbed to a respiratory illness. The Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, PAC, were composed of members of rural communities and were directed, often through coercion and force, by the Guatemalan army. PAC effectively institutionalized military power at the local level by infiltrating and dissolving community loyalties and reorienting them to serve counterinsurgency efforts.
The husband of Petrona Brito sits for a picture in his home in Nebaj, Guatemala, May 1, 1984. The Guatemalan army forced him to join a civil defense patrol during the armed conflict, where he became sick from long exposures to cold weather and eventually succumbed to a respiratory illness. The Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, civil defense patrols, PAC, were composed of members of rural communities and were directed, often through coercion and force, by the Guatemalan army. PAC effectively institutionalized military power at the local level by infiltrating and dissolving community loyalties and reorienting them to serve counterinsurgency efforts.
The husband of Petrona Brito sits for a picture in his home in Nebaj, Guatemala, May 1, 1984. The Guatemalan army forced him to join a civil defense patrol during the armed conflict, where he became sick from long exposures to cold weather and eventually succumbed to a respiratory illness. The Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, civil defense patrols, PAC, were composed of members of rural communities and were directed, often through coercion and force, by the Guatemalan army. PAC effectively institutionalized military power at the local level by infiltrating and dissolving community loyalties and reorienting them to serve counterinsurgency efforts.
Petrona Brito, 39 years, sits for a picture wearing a traditional head dress in Nebaj, Guatemala, May 1, 1984. The Guatemalan army forced her husband to join a civil defense patrol during the armed conflict, where he became sick from long exposures to cold weather and eventually succumbed to a respiratory illness. The Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, civil defense patrols, PAC, were composed of members of rural communities and were directed, often through coercion and force, by the Guatemalan army. PAC effectively institutionalized military power at the local level by infiltrating and dissolving community loyalties and reorienting them to serve counterinsurgency efforts.