The Atlacatl Battalion commander, Lieutenant Colonel Domingo Monterrosa, speaks to to a crowd of local residents in Morazán department, El Salvador, September 1984.
The commanding officer of the Atlacatl Battalion, Lieutenant Colonel Domingo Monterrosa, right, questions a local resident, left, as soldiers advance during a military operation in pursuit of guerrillas from the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, FMLN, in Tenancingo, El Salvador, September 27, 1983. Monterrosa trained at the notorious School of the Americas and assumed command of the Atlacatl Battalion, one of the Salvadoran rapid reaction counterinsurgency battalions coordinated and funded by the United States. The Atlacatl Battalion under Monterrosa's authority was responsible for the infamous El Mozote massacre of December 1981, which remains the largest single massacre in recent Latin American history.
The commanding officer of the Atlacatl Battalion, Lieutenant Colonel Domingo Monterrosa, right, questions a local resident, left, as soldiers advance during a military operation in pursuit of guerrillas from the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, FMLN, in Tenancingo, El Salvador, September 27, 1983. Monterrosa trained at the notorious School of the Americas and assumed command of the Atlacatl Battalion, one of the Salvadoran rapid reaction counterinsurgency battalions coordinated and funded by the United States. The Atlacatl Battalion under Monterrosa's authority was responsible for the infamous El Mozote massacre of December 1981, which remains the largest single massacre in recent Latin American history.
Mothers and relatives of disappeared family members meet in front of the National Palace to protest and appeal for information in San Salvador, El Salvador, September 29, 1983. It is estimated that between 8,000 and 10,000 people were forcibly disappeared from the years 1980 to 1992 in El Salvador. While the amnesty law passed after the signing of the peace accords guaranteed impunity for all individuals accused of grave crimes against humanity, including cases of disappeared people, recent efforts to locate and identify the missing are a significant element in the post-conflict process of national reconciliation.
Members of the organization Comadres and family members of the disappeared protest on the anniversary of Archbishop Óscar Romero's death in San Salvador, El Salvador, March 24, 1984. It is estimated that between 8,000 and 10,000 people were forcibly disappeared from the years 1980 to 1992 in El Salvador. While the amnesty law passed after the signing of the peace accords guaranteed immunity for all individuals accused of grave crimes against humanity, including cases of disappeared people, efforts to locate and identify the missing continue as a significant element in the post-conflict process of national reconciliation.
Members of the organization Comadres and family members of the disappeared protest outside the U.S. Embassy on the anniversary of Archbishop Óscar Romero's death in San Salvador, El Salvador, March 24, 1984. It is estimated that between 8,000 and 10,000 people were forcibly disappeared from the years 1980 to 1992 in El Salvador. While the amnesty law passed after the signing of the peace accords guaranteed immunity for all individuals accused of grave crimes against humanity, including cases of disappeared people, efforts to locate and identify the missing continue as a significant element in the post-conflict process of national reconciliation.
Members of the organization Comadres and family members of the disappeared protest on the anniversary of Archbishop Óscar Romero's death in San Salvador, El Salvador, March 24, 1984. It is estimated that between 8,000 and 10,000 people were forcibly disappeared from the years 1980 to 1992 in El Salvador. While the amnesty law passed after the signing of the peace accords guaranteed immunity for all individuals accused of grave crimes against humanity, including cases of disappeared people, efforts to locate and identify the missing continue as a significant element in the post-conflict process of national reconciliation.
Local Maya residents walk past the Guatemalan Armed Forces regional garrison in Santa Cruz del Quiché, Guatemala, January 20, 1982. Santa Cruz del Quiché was used as a base of operations for the Guatemalan military during the civil war to combat the leftist armed guerrilla group Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres, Guerrilla Army of the Poor, EGP, also active in the region. The Guatemalan military employed a counterinsurgency tactic known as scorched earth that holistically targeted the insurgent base through complete destruction of infrastructure and food supply, as well as the persecution of civilians suspected of aiding the guerrilla cause.
Local residents and members of civil defense patrols help reconstruct a bridge destroyed by guerrillas from the Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres, Guerrilla Army of the Poor, EGP, with Guatemalan army engineers in Huehuetenango, Guatemala, September 1, 1982. In the central highlands, the Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, civil defense patrols, PAC, were required to participate on public works projects as part of the Guatemalan Army's counterinsurgency plan to pacify the countryside.
Local residents and members of civil defense patrols help reconstruct a bridge destroyed by guerrillas from the Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres, Guerrilla Army of the Poor, EGP, with Guatemalan army engineers in Huehuetenango, Guatemala, September 1, 1982. In the central highlands, the Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, civil defense patrols, PAC, were required to participate on public works projects as part of the Guatemalan Army's counterinsurgency plan to pacify the countryside.
Local residents and members of civil defense patrols help reconstruct a bridge destroyed by guerrillas from the Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres, Guerrilla Army of the Poor, EGP, with Guatemalan army engineers in Huehuetenango, Guatemala, October 1, 1982. In the central highlands, the Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, civil defense patrols, PAC, were required to participate on public works projects as part of the Guatemalan Army's counterinsurgency plan to pacify the countryside.
Petrona Brito, left, and her husband, right, sit for a picture in Nebaj, Guatemala, May 1, 1984. The Guatemalan army forced Brito's husband to join a civil defense patrol during the armed conflict, where he became sick from long exposures to cold weather and eventually succumbed to a respiratory illness. The Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, PAC, were composed of members of rural communities and were directed, often through coercion and force, by the Guatemalan army. PAC effectively institutionalized military power at the local level by infiltrating and dissolving community loyalties and reorienting them to serve counterinsurgency efforts.
The husband of Petrona Brito sits for a picture in his home in Nebaj, Guatemala, May 1, 1984. The Guatemalan army forced him to join a civil defense patrol during the armed conflict, where he became sick from long exposures to cold weather and eventually succumbed to a respiratory illness. The Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, civil defense patrols, PAC, were composed of members of rural communities and were directed, often through coercion and force, by the Guatemalan army. PAC effectively institutionalized military power at the local level by infiltrating and dissolving community loyalties and reorienting them to serve counterinsurgency efforts.
The husband of Petrona Brito sits for a picture in his home in Nebaj, Guatemala, May 1, 1984. The Guatemalan army forced him to join a civil defense patrol during the armed conflict, where he became sick from long exposures to cold weather and eventually succumbed to a respiratory illness. The Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, civil defense patrols, PAC, were composed of members of rural communities and were directed, often through coercion and force, by the Guatemalan army. PAC effectively institutionalized military power at the local level by infiltrating and dissolving community loyalties and reorienting them to serve counterinsurgency efforts.
Petrona Brito, 39 years, sits for a picture wearing a traditional head dress in Nebaj, Guatemala, May 1, 1984. The Guatemalan army forced her husband to join a civil defense patrol during the armed conflict, where he became sick from long exposures to cold weather and eventually succumbed to a respiratory illness. The Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, civil defense patrols, PAC, were composed of members of rural communities and were directed, often through coercion and force, by the Guatemalan army. PAC effectively institutionalized military power at the local level by infiltrating and dissolving community loyalties and reorienting them to serve counterinsurgency efforts.
Petrona Brito, left, and her husband, right, sit for a picture in Nebaj, Guatemala, May 1, 1984. The Guatemalan army forced Brito's husband to join a civil defense patrol during the armed conflict, where he became sick from long exposures to cold weather and eventually succumbed to a respiratory illness. The Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, PAC, were composed of members of rural communities and were directed, often through coercion and force, by the Guatemalan army. PAC effectively institutionalized military power at the local level by infiltrating and dissolving community loyalties and reorienting them to serve counterinsurgency efforts.
Local Maya Ixil residents are pictured after an attack by armed guerrillas from the Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres, Guerrilla Army of the Poor, EGP, on the Guatemalan Army's regional garrison in San Juan Cotzal, Guatemala, January 20, 1982. Over 100 EGP guerrillas attacked the military's highland base leaving 12 soldiers dead in the official count. According to local civilians and unofficial reports, 34 army soldiers were killed. The indigenous locals expected the army soldiers to retaliate by killing the town's residents for collaborating with insurgents.
A man of Maya descent sits for a picture in Todos Santos, Guatemala, May 15, 1984. In the 36-year domestic armed conflict, an estimated 200,000 people were killed, up to 45,000 civilians were forcibly disappeared, and between 500,000 and 1.5 million people were internally displaced or fled the country. 83 percent of the victims were indigenous Maya people.
A man of Maya descent sits for a picture in Todos Santos, Guatemala, May 15, 1984. In the 36-year domestic armed conflict, an estimated 200,000 people were killed, up to 45,000 civilians were forcibly disappeared, and between 500,000 and 1.5 million people were internally displaced or fled the country. 83 percent of the victims were indigenous Maya people.
A man of Maya descent sits for a picture in Todos Santos, Guatemala, May 15, 1984. In the 36-year domestic armed conflict, an estimated 200,000 people were killed, up to 45,000 civilians were forcibly disappeared, and between 500,000 and 1.5 million people were internally displaced or fled the country. 83 percent of the victims were indigenous Maya people.